The extra-wide scope of universal quantifiers Syntax or semantics?
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Abstract
On the classic generative approach the logical scope of a quantifier cannot extend beyond the finite clause in which it appears, i.e., it cannot have extra-wide scope. It has been claimed, though not yet adequately substantiated empirically, that certain subjunctive complement clauses constitute an exception to this generalization: a universal quantifier that occurs within such a clause can bear extra-wide scope. On Wurmbrand’s (2013; 2018) syntactic account, this motivates a weakening of the classic locality constraint on quantifier scope formulated in terms of a finite clause boundary. An alternative, semantic approach championed by Farkas and Giannakidou’s (1996) holds that the exceptional extra-wide scope at issue is due to semantic reanalysis.
Our study investigates the phenomenon on the basis of judgments collected from Hungarian native speakers. It is demonstrated that (1) while an extra-wide quantifier scope interpetation is indeed available in the critical construction type, (2) it is also available in a minimally different sentence type to which Farkas and Giannakidou’s explanation involving semantic reanalysis can be extended, but which is left unaccounted for by a weakening of the classic locality restriction on quantifier scope à la Wurmbrand. Building on this result, we argue in favour of an approach in terms of semantic reanalysis, and against giving up the uniform syntactic locality constraint on quantifier scope defined in terms of finite clause boundaries.
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